025
Public UAP Sightings and the Environment: An Analysis
of Sky View Potential
Richard M. Medina
University of Utah
Simon Brewer
University of Utah
Sean M. Kirkpatrick
Department of Defense
Proposed journal for submission: Annals of the American Association of Geographers
Introduction
There has been growing interest by the United States government in Unidentified
Anomalous Phenomena (UAP). Given the new focus on this potential security threat and the
operational safety risks posed by these objects, the UAP Task Force was initiated on August 4,
2020 (U.S. Department of Defense, 2020). This task force, like all task forces, had a limited
scope, authority and resources to address the issue and was temporary in its duration. The
Deputy Secretary of Defense gave direction to transition the UAP task force into the Airborne
Object Identification and Management Synchronization Group (AOIMSG) on November 23,
2021 (U.S. Department of Defense, 2021). Congressional legislation, however, overtook that
direction and today’s All-Domain Anomaly Resolution Office (AARO) was established on July
20, 2022 (U.S. Department of Defense, 2022) as the single authoritative UAP Office with the
DoD and tasked with leading and synchronizing a whole of government approach to the issue.
The mission of the AARO is to: “synchronize efforts across the Department of Defense, and with
other U.S. federal departments and agencies, to detect, identify and attribute objects of interest
in, on or near military installations, operating areas, training areas, special use airspace and other
areas of interest, and, as necessary, to mitigate any associated threats to safety of operations and
national security. This includes anomalous, unidentified space, airborne, submerged and
transmedium objects” (U.S. Department of Defense, 2022, np). As part of these efforts, this
research team explores spatial patterns of publicly reported UAP sightings (analogous to UFO
sightings in this research) from an open source online dataset.
In the public 2021 DNI report, research on UAP sightings between 2004-2021 leaves
most of its 144 government-based reports unexplained, due to limited data. Only one sighting
was explained with high confidence, and was found to be a deflating balloon (Office of the
Director of National Intelligence, 2021). The public 2022 DNI report on UAP sightings indicates
the number of governmental sourced reports rose to 510, with nearly half still unexplained. The
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DNI report summarizes that there is no single explanation for all of these UAP, with potential
sources including clutter, commercial drones, national security threats, and other unexplained
phenomena. In 1969, another government effort, Project Blue Book determined that 701
sightings out of 12,618 were “unidentified,” but that there was no evidence of 1) any national
security threat, 2) advanced technologies beyond present capabilities or knowledge, and 3)
extraterrestrial vehicles (U.S. Air Force, nd). While there are some logical explanations for what
many are seeing, that they think is unexplained, there are still many uncertainties surrounding
UAP activity regardless of the source of the sightings. UAP research is often inconclusive.
However, our ability to explain these events seems to have diminished as our sensor technology
has advanced and our air activity has increased.
In this research, we ask three foundational research questions: 1) What is the viability of
publicly offered data on UAP sightings? 2) Are there credible spatial patterns to these sightings?
and 3) If so, can these patterns be explained by physical and/or built environment factors? To
answer these questions, we use UFO sighting data from the National UFO Research Center.
These data offer an opportunity to analyze sightings not available before at a large geographic
and temporal view. We model the total count of these sightings for a 20-year period from 2001-
2020, using environmental explanatory variables – light pollution, cloud cover, tree canopy
cover, airports, and military installations. This model is intended to represent both the available
view of the sky for any given county in the conterminous U.S., as well as the potential for
airborne objects. The main hypothesis of this research is that people will report sightings of
aerial objects where they have the most opportunity to see them. Specifically, we hypothesize
that a) factors that limit visibility will be negatively correlated with sightings, and b) that factors
related to air traffic will be positively correlated. To our knowledge, this is the first attempt to
understand how the spatial variation in sightings is linked to environmental variables. This
analysis offers a starting point for similar correlation theory to be applied to U.S. Government
holdings on UAP activity to help identify possible sources, and represents the first serious
statistical look at the totality of the available data.
History of UAP sighting research and Environmental Explanations
There has been little in the way of traditional academic research on UAPs and UAP
sightings. This is expected as there are always efforts to discredit scientific endeavors toward
understanding this phenomenon (Appelle, 1998). As well, verifiable data sources and
questionable accounts have limited the rigor of previous work. While UAPs are typically things
of science fiction, we cannot ignore the fact that many people throughout the world report having
seen unknown objects in the sky that they cannot explain. In the U.S. there has been significant
recent attention given to sightings by members of the military, or other U.S. government
personnel. Databases of these events are now being kept by the AARO and the supporting
Services, but these efforts only began in 2019, though they do hold information going back to
1996 (Office of the Director of National Intelligence, 2022). Congress has directed AARO to
extend this research back to 1945.
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Much of the research on UAPs has relied on firsthand accounts, psychological
explanations, or specific events, which limits the systematic analysis of large area patterns (e.g.,
see Zimmer, 1984; Zimmer, 1985; Spanos et al., 1993; Salisbury, 1974). Data availability for
large studies has been a longstanding issue, and the few studies that exist focus on smaller scale
patterns and trends.
The most likely explanation for a portion of UAP sightings is natural phenomena. For
example, the planet Venus is the brightest planet and is often mistaken for a UAP. At times, it is
seen close to the horizon and can shine through the trees to produce an irregular pattern of light
and reflection (Phillips, 2004). The second most likely explanation is from human-made aircraft
(Ramet, 1998). Human-made aircraft includes various objects in the sky, such as weather
balloons, as originally explained to be responsible for the Roswell, New Mexico Case in 1947,
arguably the most popular UAP case in U.S. history. Follow up disclosures by the Air Force
describe the activity responsible for the event as being a then classified, multi-balloon project
intended to detect Soviet nuclear tests (Weaver and McAndrew, 1995). Current explanations
contributing to UAP sightings include the exponential growth in satellite and spacecraft launches
and orbiters (e.g. SpaceX Starlink), as well as an increased drone activity. The use of modern
technology, including satellites and drones may have led to increased incidents of these being
mistakenly reported as UAPs. The U.S. Office of the Director of National Intelligence’s
Preliminary Assessment on Unidentified Aerial Phenomena (2021) and the most recent DNI
Report on UAP (2022) lists these five potential explanatory categories for UAP sightings –
airborne clutter, natural atmospheric phenomena, U.S. government or industry developmental
programs, foreign adversary systems, and other (Office of the Director of National Intelligence,
2021).
An early article attempting to explain an increase in sightings in Utah’s Uinta Basin uses
airborne insect infestation as a correlate. The selected insects showed patterns of “brilliant
colored flares or brushes of bluish white light from various external points on their bodies”
during electric field stimulation (Callahan and Mankin, 1978, p. 3356). The artificially generated
electric field was meant to resemble a stormy weather-related phenomenon called St. Elmo’s
Fire, where static electricity causes patterns of visible colored light. Interestingly, this research
was refuted soon after publication and described as “somewhat unrealistic” (Tha Paw, 1979),
though the authors did respond with a rebuttal (Callahan, 1979; Mankin, 1979).
Other historical research suggests connections between seismic activity and UFO
sightings. Persinger and Derr (1985) recall the tectonic strain hypothesis (Persinger, 1976;
Persinger and Lafreniere, 1977; Persinger, 1984) – “that a substantial portion of UFO
phenomena are generated by strain fields; they are evoked by the changing stresses within the
earth’s crust” (Persinger and Derr, 1985). Further, research that connects seismic activity with
solar activity may be a better predictor than just with seismic activity alone; also that considering
seismic intensity leads to a stronger correlation with UFO sightings than with just seismic counts
(Persinger, 1981).
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Maybe the most popular natural explanation for UAP sightings is ball lightning. Ball
lightning incidents are characterized by “a spherical or roughly spherical light-emitting object
whose size varies from a few cm to a meter or more, with an average diameter of about 20 cm,
and whose colors vary from red to yellow, white, blue, and (rarely) green” (Shmatov and
Stephan, 2019, p. 1). Ball lightning is a rare event and data on its occurrences often relies on
eyewitness accounts. These events are believed to most often occur at or near an ongoing
thunderstorm. One of the issues with the ball lightning hypothesis is that it is such a rare, and
rarely recorded event, that its existence is not accepted by all researchers. However, relatively
recent research has confirmed, what is believed to be, a ball lightning incident (see Cen, Yuan,
and Xue, 2014). Despite these attempts at explaining these phenomena, people continue to see
and report things in the sky that they can’t identify. We recognize that some sightings may be
due to mental illnesses or other psychological issues, while others reported are hoaxes.
The recent increase in interest in UAP reports has been accompanied by the development
of new methods to assess and explain sightings (David, 2023), including custom built
observatories and sensors, as well as mobile apps designed to leverage crowd-sourced
information. While these methods bring new sophistication to analysis of individual events, there
remains no information on the general context of sightings, i.e. why sightings are more common
in certain regions of the country, and less common in others. Rather than attempt to explain what
people are seeing in the sky, we explore how the combination of visibility and air traffic relates
to reported sightings, thus providing a first order understanding of why the number of sightings
varies spatially. Given their relative rarity, it seems unlikely that insects, seismic activity, and
ball lightning are responsible for the majority of global sightings, especially those seen in the
daytime. Understanding the environmental context of these sightings will make it easier to
propose and test new explanations for their occurrence, and help to identify any truly anomalous
sightings.
Data and Methods
UAP Public Sighting Data
The public UAP sighting data source is the National UFO Reporting Center (NUFORC)
online (NUFORC, 2023a). NUFORC was formed in 1974 and “the Center’s primary function
over the past four decades has been to receive, record, and to the greatest degree possible,
corroborate and document reports from individuals who have been witness to unusual, possibly
UFO-related events” (NUFORC, 2023b, np). “UFO” sighting data are available for historical
years, as users can post their sightings from memory. The data are updated to about a month to
the present. Our extracted dataset includes 122,983 reported sightings from June 1930 to June
2022, when we stopped our extraction. Early reports occur for many reasons. For example, a
1930 report is from a user reporting for their mother. Fields in the dataset include: Date, City,
State, Country, Shape, Duration, Summary, Posted Sate, Image, and Lat/Long coordinates. The
data are provided with geographic coordinates at the city level. We use the coordinate data
provided for mapping; however, some entries have no coordinate data. For some, no coordinates
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were given, but were still locatable, when spelling errors in the city field were corrected. For
those, coordinates were added using online Microsoft services to construct a more complete
dataset. The final resulting mappable dataset includes 121,949 points (locatable in the United
States), which is 99.16% of the total extraction. For simplicity and interpretation, we focus on
the conterminous U.S. from 2001 to 2020, which reduces the number of reported sightings to
98,724. For the analysis we use the total number of sightings per county across this time period
to allow us to focus on the spatial patterns. Our temporal range is selected such that entries are
assumed to be relatively recent events and not generated from memories decades ago. Internet
access to report a sighting would be more feasible beginning about 2000, and is likely
responsible for the increase in sighting reports over time. A timeline of reported sightings for the
study period is provided in Figure 1, with a marked peak in sightings between 2012 and 2014,
followed by a sharp drop between 2015 and 2018.
Figure 1 Timeline of NUFORC Reported Sightings from 2001-2020
Figure 2 provides a visualization of the reported sighting spatial distribution for the
conterminous U.S. Our preliminary analyses included Alaska and Hawaii; however, the tree
canopy dataset did not cover the entirety of Alaska, rather it only included a coastal region.
Because of this, we decided to limit the study to the conterminous U.S. The sighting point
dataset was aggregated up to the county level for analysis. We selected county, rather than a city
resolution for spatial continuity across the conterminous U.S., which helps with interpreting the
results. Also, since these events are relatively rare, counties provide large enough areas for a
meaningful aggregation of points. For our exploratory analysis, the NUFORC data were
standardized by population, such that they are reported as sightings per 10,000 people.
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Figure 2 NUFORC Reported Sighting Spatial Distribution for the Conterminous U.S. from
2001-2020
In the spatial sciences, data like these are typically referred to as Volunteered
Geographical Information (VGI). VGI are geographic information that are volunteered either
knowingly or unknowingly by individuals, typically with the assistance of location enabled
digital tools (Goodchild, 2007), and the issues connected to the use of these datasets has been
extensively discussed. Those vulnerabilities are present here, along with others given the nature
of this dataset. Like with other crowdsourced data, there is little hope for assurance of quality for
VGI (Goodchild and Li, 2012). This problem is furthered in this dataset where some may be
trying to actively disinform. It is clear that these data cannot be verified, and even if interviews
with each person were possible, there would be issues determining truth and accuracy, especially
given the historical attributes of the reports. However, NUFORC does include disclaimers on
their reporting page to help remove false reports. First, they provide information including
descriptions, images, and video of Starlink Satellites, which can look unidentified to those that
have not seen them before. Second, they provide a description of Venus, which was discussed
previously as a potential for unidentified sightings. Third, NUFORC discusses hoax and joke
reports, which are said to be ignored and discarded (NUFORC, 2023c). Given the size and
structure of the data, it is not clear that all hoaxes can be identified, but at least NUFORC is
paying attention to hoax cases. Nor can we differentiate those sightings that have obvious and/or
logical explanations, but we note that these still represent an ‘unidentified’ sighting. Still, this is
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the only dataset of this size and detail that allows for geographic research. Furthermore, it is
impossible to discredit over 120,000 cases. It should also be mentioned here that NUFORC
accepts online, phone, and written reports to assist in unbiasing the dataset with only online
activity.
Explanatory Variables
We use 3 explanatory datasets to represent physical and built environment attributes that
would restrict the view of the sky: light pollution, cloud cover, and tree canopy cover.
Additionally, we use 2 datasets that represent added airborne activity that might be mistaken for
Unidentified Areal Phenomena (UAP). All data preparation and calculations are made using
Microsoft Excel and ESRI ArcGIS Pro software. To aid in interpretation, all covariates were z-
score transformed prior to modeling.
Light pollution – The data source for light pollution is the New World Atlas of Artificial Sky
Brightness (Falchi et al., 2016a; Falchi et al., 2016b). This raster data set is offered in a geotiff
file with 30 arcsecond/1km resolution and covers the entire world. For this project the data for
the U.S. were extracted and the mean value for light pollution (values represent simulated zenith
radiance in [mcd/m
2
]) was calculated for each U.S. county.
Cloud cover – Cloud cover data are sourced to the EarthEnv Project (Wilson and Jetz, 2016).
These data are compiled using 15 years (2000-2014) of twice-daily remotely sensed observations
from the Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer (MODIS) sensor. They are provided
in a geotiff file at 1km resolution for the entire world. The cloud cover values were averaged for
each U.S. county.
Tree canopy – The tree canopy data are from the Multi-Resolution Land Characteristics
Consortium (Coulston et al., 2012; Coulston et al., 2013). The data are generated by the United
States Forest Service (USFS) using Landsat imagery and “other available ground and ancillary
information” (Multi-Resolution Land Characteristics Consortium, 2022). The values represent
2016 vegetation at 30m resolution and are available for the continental U.S., coastal Alaska and
Hawaii. Because of the size of the file and the resolution of other datasets in the model, the
image required resampling. They were upsampled to 1km resolution. The tree canopy values
were then averaged for each U.S. county.
Airports – These data are provided by ESRI’s, ArcGIS Online service accessible through the
ArcGIS Pro software. They include categories for airports, heliports, seaplane bases, ultralights,
gliderports, balloonports and other. There are 19,850 entries in this dataset. Each entry is
represented as a point. The data are standardized here as the number of airports per sq. km.
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Military installations – Military installation data are sourced to U.S. Census TIGER/Line
shapefiles and downloaded from data.gov (data.gov, 2022). The U.S. Census created this dataset
in collaboration with the U.S. Department of Defense and the U.S. Department of Homeland
Security. The data represent the boundaries of military installations. For this research, those
boundaries were overlaid onto U.S. counties, where the area of each county that is military
installation is calculated.
Models
The NUFORC dataset is first explored alone to identify general spatial patterns of
reported sightings using hotspot analysis. This exploratory analysis is based on the Getis-Ord
(Gi*) index. This index identifies significant clusters of low values (cold spots) and high values
(hot spots), by comparing the aggregate number of population standardized sightings in a set of
neighboring counties to the full distribution of counts (Getis and Ord, 1992; Ord and Getis,
1995). Different from a heat map, the resulting map shows statistically significant regions of
high and low occurrences.
To model potential for seeing UAPs we use Bayesian small area estimation, based on the
relative rate of sightings in the population of an area. Small area models are commonly used in
epidemiology to study the spatial pattern of diseases. These incorporate a spatial autoregressive
term to limit the influence of extreme values, which are often linked to small population sizes.
For this model, the count of reported sightings for county i is assumed to follow a Poisson
distribution as follows:
푦
푖
∼푃표푖푠
(
휃
푖
퐸
푖
)
Where 퐸
푖
is the expected number of sightings for county i and 휃
푖
is the relative rate. To get the
expected value, first we estimate the per capita rate of sightings for the entire study region as the
total number of sightings divided by the total population. The expected value for any county is
obtained by multiplying this value by the population of that county. Where 휃
푖
>1, the number of
sightings is greater than would be expected based on population alone. Finally, the set of relative
rates are modeled as follows:
log
(
휃
푖
)
=훽푋
푖
+휖
Where 훽푋
푖
is the set of z-score transformed covariates representing visibility and air traffic
described above with associated coefficients. Finally, the model error (휖) is decomposed into a
spatial autoregressive effect and non-spatial random noise. Model parameters and coefficients
are estimated using Integrated Nested Laplacian Approximation (Rue et al., 2017). Model results
are reported as the mean of the posterior probability distribution for each coefficient (Table 1)
and spatially as the probability of a counties relative rate being over twice the national average
(Figure 4). Variance Inflation Factors (VIFs), which signal potential multicollinearity within a
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model, for all variables in the model are well under 2. VIF values are traditionally accepted if
they are under 5.
Results
The hotspot analysis shows a strong trend, with many more standardized sightings
reported in the Western U.S. and in the very Northeast, along with some isolated areas including
the tri-state border area of Illinois, Indiana, and Kentucky, surrounding Evansville, Indiana, and
the area surrounding Washington D.C. Smaller clusters of low sightings are found through the
central plains and in the southeast. Recall that this number does not represent sightings, but
sightings per 10,000 in each conterminous U.S. county.
Figure 3 Hotspot Analysis (Getis-Ord Gi*) of Reported Sightings from 2001-2020
Table 1 shows the results of the Bayesian small area model, based on the posterior
probability distribution of each coefficient. As the model is based on log-transformed relative
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rates, the posterior estimates have been exponentiated to help in interpretation. With the
exception of the intercept, all model coefficients describe the rate of change of the relative rate of
sightings for a one standard deviation increase in that coefficient (Table 1). Values above 1
indicate a positive relationship (i.e. increasing sightings); values below 1 indicate a negative
relationship (decreasing sightings). For example, the coefficient for Mean Light Pollution is
0.923, indicating that a one standard deviation increase in light pollution will result in a 7.7%
decrease in sightings. Coefficients are reported as the mean of the posterior distribution plus the
95% credibility interval.
In contrast to classical frequentist analysis, Bayesian posterior estimates can be used to
test specific hypotheses (McElreath, 2018). Here, we test the hypotheses that the relationship
between each covariate and the rate of sightings is positive (i.e. >1) or negative (<1). Support for
a given hypothesis is based on the posterior probability distribution of model coefficients, and is
described as the credibility of that hypothesis. For example, if 95% of the posterior distribution
of a coefficient is above one, this indicates a positive relationship between that covariate and the
rate of sightings, and would be assigned a credibility of 95% of a positive relationship. If the
posterior distribution is equally split into negative and positive estimates, this would be assigned
a credibility of approximately 50% for either hypothesis. Credibility estimates are provided in
Table 1. With the exception of cloud cover, all results support our initial hypothesis – that people
will see things when they have the opportunity to. The exception is cloud cover, which has a
non-credible relationship with sightings, with no support of either a negative or positive
relationship.
Variables Exponentiated
Results
Positive
coefficient
credibility
Negative
coefficient
credibility
Relationship
(Intercept) 0.862 (0.848, 0.877)
Mean Canopy 0.961 (0.915, 1.01)
6% 94% More Canopy = Fewer Sightings
Mean Cloud Cover 0.998 (0.929, 1.072)
48% 52% No Relationship
Mean Light Pollution 0.923 (0.899, 0.947)
0% 100% More Light = Fewer Sightings
Percent Military Area 1.013 (0.994, 1.033)
92% 8% More Military = More Sightings
Air Traffic / Sq. Km 1.099 (1.068, 1.131)
100% 0% More Air Traffic = More Sightings
Table 1 Results from Bayesian small area model. From left to right: variable name; mean
posterior distribution (95% credible range); credibility of positive relationship with sightings;
credibility of negative relationship with sightings; brief description of result
As a further hypothesis, we use the model results to estimate the probability that the
sightings in any county are more than twice the national average (the exceedance probability;
Figure 4). The results confirm the hotspot analysis, with higher probabilities in western U.S.
However, the area with the highest probability (80-100%) is restricted to a smaller area running
from New Mexico and Nevada in the south to Washington in the north. Another smaller area
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with high probabilities is located in the northwest, as well as isolated counties spread throughout
the eastern U.S.
Figure 4 Exceedance Probability for U.S. County UAP Reported Sightings, 2001-2020
Discussion and Conclusions
We recall here our initial research questions: 1) What is the viability of publicly offered
data on UAP sightings? 2) Are there credible spatial patterns to these sightings? and 3) If so, can
these patterns be explained by physical and/or built environment factors? For question 1, the
publicly available data from NUFORC online are useable data; however, they require processing
to make them usable in a GIS for spatial analysis. There are also some errors that we took the
liberty of correcting based on missing coordinates due to inaccurate city name spellings. All of
the necessary data are present to make this research successful, and more are provided to inform
our future research on this topic. It should also be noted that these data can be used for finer
resolution (city level) research, rather than county level used here.
The main question that hinders our faith in the research findings is, are these volunteered
data valid? The short answer is that, it is likely that some are and some aren’t. How much of this
dataset is valid is questionable. However, we suggest that if the data were entirely invalid, the
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sightings would exhibit little to no spatial pattern, and are unlikely to follow a pattern that can be
explained by first-order visibility indicators as our results show. Another question is, are there
any temporal and/or geographic errors? These errors are possible, because some entries into this
dataset are historical and presented from memory, not always in the first person. We attempt to
limit this by using data from 2001-present, rather than using data that was retroactively added to
the database, but that does not completely remove the issue. Also, by upscaling the data to the
county level, the locational estimates are placed more firmly into a spatial aggregate that has a
greater likelihood of being accurate. A final issue we consider is that these reported cases require
knowledge of NUFORC and access to communications. The authors found the website and
organization while searching for data. Some may find the website while searching for an
organization to report to. Still, there is likely bias in who has knowledge of this resource, and
since it is not widely advertised many people may not be aware of it. In all, we believe this
dataset to be valuable, at least in the sense that either, this is where people are seeing things they
can’t explain (or that they don’t want to explain with more logical explanations), or this is where
people are thinking more about UAPs. Both of these are important and have physical/social
implications.
For questions 2 and 3, There are credibly identifiable patterns to these sightings, and
these patterns relate to environmental and landscape characteristics. We use physical factors of
light pollution, tree canopy, and average annual cloud cover, as well as airborne clutter factors of
air traffic and military installations. These variables should work, generally, to represent both 1)
the opportunity to see something and 2) the potential for something human constructed to be in
the field of view. We have not considered satellites or drones, which are likely important factors,
nor the fact that airplanes (and helicopters, etc.) do not only fly around their takeoff and landing
locations. However, around these locations we use, aircraft are likely to be closer to the ground,
more visible, and more frequently present. Using the military installation data, we hope to
capture, not only aircraft, but also nighttime training activities that might use, for example, tracer
rounds, drones, and other forms of illumination in relatively desolate areas.
If we assume that the large majority of sightings in this dataset are actually representative
of true sightings that people determined to be unidentified, then our results have interesting
implications. Our model shows that the majority of sightings are in the western parts of the U.S.
and in the very northeast. There are also some isolated counties throughout the rest of the
country that warrant further investigation to identify which properties may generate relatively
more UAP attention. These results consider all independent variables; however, cloud cover is
not credible. Why clouds don’t seem to affect UAP sightings is a good question and may have
something to do with the spatial distribution of sightings where high likelihood areas exist in
coastal regions of the Pacific Northwest (relatively clouded), as well as desert regions of the
Mountain West (relatively clear). All the other variable relationships are as expected and align
with our initial hypotheses, that people report more sightings where they have a better view of
the sky. The question now is why? This research begins to answer this question by considering
how much human made airborne activity is occurring. The strong credible relationships with air
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traffic and with military activity suggest that people are seeing things that are human made, in
some unexpected way. As a good example, a hot air balloon seen from a far enough distance can
look unexplainable, especially if it is seen by someone who has not seen one before. Drones,
which we did not test specifically for here, can seem to fly erratically in areas where people
aren’t used to seeing things moving in the sky. It is unlikely that events, such as ball lightning,
seismic based lights, insects, or other natural occurrences are responsible for more than a small
portion of these sightings, as they are rare events themselves. We had initially expected cloud
cover to be credibly related to sightings, as clouds can cause light to scatter and by doing so,
obscure reflective or illuminated things that are moving within or above them, and create
patterns that some might consider unexplained. However, that was not the case.
While these results provide an initial assessment of factors linked to the sightings of
unidentified or unexplained phenomenon, they also generate further questions. We find credible
relationships with these factors and there are now spatial patterns that are require further
investigation. Why, for example, are the rates of sightings low in California, when they are high
in many of the surrounding states? Why do the rates of sightings fluctuate across time? Some of
our future research will include temporal considerations (e.g., variation over time) to hopefully
address some of these questions. We further note that our covariates represent average
conditions, and while these clearly explain much of the first-order pattern in sightings, additional
factors may be identified by considering individual events.
We wonder how many sightings can be explained by sociocultural factors. For example,
are there spikes of sightings after Hollywood attention is given to movies or TV shows on aliens?
Are some cultures more likely to see UAPs, because of their belief systems? Have some U.S.
regions/places been given more attention to historical UAP observations (e.g., New Mexico)?
There is no question that geography and “place” influence people’s belief systems and behavior.
In some places, the expectation of what you are supposed to see, may influence what you
actually see. In a process termed motivated perception, people may bias their perceptions to
arrive at expected conclusions that meet their goals or offer rewards (Kunda, 1990; Leong et al.,
2019). If your goal is to see a UAP, you may very well see one given the opportunity.
Many of the reports used here, given our results, may very well be explained by human
based air traffic. We do not test natural phenomena, as discussed here, e.g., ball lightning. Many
of those cases would be impossible to test for, as those occurrences are very rare and even more
rarely recorded. One potential solution to estimate this would be to use weather data that
identifies thunderstorms or other similar event activity. However, it could be the minority of
sightings that take place during weather events given their spatial and temporal distribution.
We approach this problem with caution, because of both the complexity of the topic and
the sensitivity of available data. The U.S. Government position is that “UAP clearly pose a safety
of flight issue and may pose a challenge to U.S. national security” (Office of the Director of
National Intelligence, 2021, p. 3). For national security issues, uncertainties and unknowns are
never good. It is the job of intelligence efforts to minimize the unknowns. Regardless of what
people are seeing, and whether they are military pilots, civilian pilots, or general bystanders,
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there is a potential threat. That threat grows as our uncertainties grow. Although based on a
noisy, crowd sourced dataset, our results can provide a context for how sightings of unidentified
objects vary in space, the factors may be linked to these, and may provide a small step towards
understanding these threats.
This problem is relevant on many fronts, including anthropological and sociological (i.e.,
understanding the human/social experience). The stigma given to this area of research, if it is
explored scientifically, should be over. From a research perspective, we make no hypotheses
about what people are seeing, only that they will see more when and where they have
opportunity to. The question remains, however, as to what these sightings are of. Further
examination of regions where the model performs poorly, temporal trends and reported details of
each sighting may help further elucidate this.
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